{"id":41169,"date":"2013-01-28T08:45:57","date_gmt":"2013-01-28T13:45:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/spacing.ca\/toronto\/?p=41169"},"modified":"2013-01-28T11:54:08","modified_gmt":"2013-01-28T16:54:08","slug":"lorinc-what-fords-conflict-ruling-should-tell-us-about-the-integrity-commissioners-role","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/spacing.ca\/toronto\/2013\/01\/28\/lorinc-what-fords-conflict-ruling-should-tell-us-about-the-integrity-commissioners-role\/","title":{"rendered":"LORINC: What Ford’s conflict ruling should tell us about the integrity commissioner\u2019s role"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/p>\n

An astute observer of Mayor Rob Ford\u2019s conflict trial posed a fascinating question to me on Friday after the Divisional Court released its ruling: If the problem was that City Council didn\u2019t have the legal right to order Ford to repay the $3,150 in donations, why didn\u2019t the judges tell the City to re-wind the process back to the tabling of integrity commissioner Janet Leiper\u2019s August, 12, 2010 report<\/a>?<\/p>\n

After all, she did gather evidence indicating that Ford had improperly solicited donations from lobbyists, thereby allegedly violating three provisions of the Code of Conduct, including Article VII, \u201cImproper Use of Influence.\u201d As Leiper correctly observed, \u201cPeople who are in positions of power and influence must make sure their private fundraising does not rely on the metaphorical ‘muscle’ of perceived or actual influence in obtaining donations.\u201d<\/p>\n

In short, the observer noted, Toronto City Council still hasn\u2019t dealt with the mayor\u2019s underlying transgression.<\/p>\n

I don\u2019t raise this point in an attempt to re-litigate the issue; the conflict melodrama is properly dead and buried, and the people involved in pressing it should certainly take the opportunity to reflect on what they unleashed.<\/p>\n

But the outcome raises some very important questions about the future viability of the Code and the Integrity Commissioner, and the governance structure that the province created around this high-minded form of political regulation.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Getting back to the thought experiment about turning back the clock, I\u2019d note the obvious: David Miller\u2019s council opted to impose a penalty, whereas Rob Ford\u2019s council decided to let him off the hook. If an accountability process can yield two diametrically opposed results despite a common fact base, we\u2019ve got a problem.<\/p>\n

The Divisional Court ruling didn\u2019t get too far into the bloody business of laying blame when it concluded that the entire process was based on a \u201cnullity\u201d (i.e., that the City of Toronto Act (COTA) doesn\u2019t give Council the latitude to impose the original fine during its August 25, 2010 meeting).<\/p>\n

But I think it is worth considering what did and didn\u2019t happen at the time. In her report to council, Leiper devotes almost three pages to her discussion about the appropriateness of the sanction that Council should impose. Noting Ford\u2019s disinclination to cooperate, lack of contrition and repeat offenses, she asked, \u201cHow can Council demonstrate to the public that the City of Toronto will enforce its Code of Conduct <\/i>and that Council expects its members to act with integrity?\u201d<\/p>\n

Good question. But instead of selecting from the a la carte<\/i> menu of penalties specified in COTA and the Code itself \u2014 including, \u201cRepayment or reimbursement of moneys received<\/i>\u201d [emphasis mine] \u2014 Leiper recommended something that wasn\u2019t quite specified under the laws, i.e., that Ford repay out of his own pocket, even though he hadn\u2019t received the funds in the first instance.<\/p>\n

At the risk of sounding like a Monday morning quarterback, that was error number one. Error number two is that the City solicitor, during that August, 2010, debate, appears not to have challenged Leiper\u2019s proposed sanction as potentially \u201cultra vires.\u201d Error number three is that no one on council \u2014 including Miller, who is a talented lawyer as well as one of the authors of COTA \u2014 noted that legal glitch. The sanction felt appropriate, and so a majority of Council members voted to impose it.<\/p>\n

In short, three levels of scrutiny failed to pick up on the fundamental procedural error identified in Friday\u2019s judgment.<\/p>\n

STRUCTURAL FLAWS EXPOSED IN CITY OF TORONTO ACT<\/strong>
\nWhich leads me to the broader question of the system\u2019s structural flaws, as exposed by the Divisional Court ruling. Toronto\u2019s integrity commissioner functions as a kind of prosecutor. Council, in turn, serves as judge and jury, yet is obviously not a disinterested party to any process involving sanctions against one of their own. As noted above, the ultimate resolution of these cases depends heavily on the political orientation of Council. Yes, there have been counter-narrative examples. But in a very tough stress test of the existing system, the rivets didn\u2019t hold.<\/p>\n

Problem is, the Code and COTA\u2019s integrity commissioner rules were ostensibly about ensuring accountability among elected officials in a non-partisan fashion. But the current structure is highly vulnerable to partisanship, and therefore the outcomes are rendered almost meaningless. One day a sinner, next day a saint.<\/p>\n

Interestingly, this precise problem used to dog the process for dealing with compliance audit requests filed under the Municipal Elections Act (MEA). Voters could file complaints and a council\u2019s compliance audit committee (which is comprised of experts, not politicians) might recommend an investigation, based on the evidence presented. But the ultimate decision to proceed lay with council, and sometimes councils would block those investigations for obvious political reasons.<\/p>\n

That, in fact, is precisely what happened with former Hamilton mayor Larry Di Ianni, who had been accused of accepting improper donations in his 2003 campaign. The complainant was stonewalled by Di Ianni\u2019s council and had to go to court to force the the City to order an audit. The investigation confirmed the problem. The mayor eventually plead guilty and lost the next election.<\/p>\n

In the wake of the Di Ianni case, the Ontario legislature made a subtle change to the MEA meant to depoliticize the process somewhat. As of 2009, compliance audit committees no longer have to seek council approval to order an investigation.<\/p>\n

It seems to me that Queen\u2019s Park needs to make a similar reform to the Code of Conduct\/integrity commissioner system established under COTA. It might work like this: The Integrity Commissioner would report to a special Council-appointed committee of retired judges or mediators who can use their legal expertise to determine whether a Code of Conduct sanction is warranted, whether the Commissioner\u2019s recommended penalty is appropriate and legally defensible, and also whether the original complaint was vexatious.<\/p>\n

As with the compliance audit committee, this subcommittee should hold quasi-judicial hearings, allowing councillors a chance to respond to allegations against them without worrying about whether they\u2019ve breached the conflict of interest law. Lastly, the rulings should have the force of law and be subject to appeal.<\/p>\n

Point is, if the City and the Province believe there\u2019s value in enforcing a councillor Code of Conduct outside the normal electoral process (some would say the ballot box is the still the best accountability mechanism), the system for prosecuting alleged violations needs to be as robust and impartial as possible; after all, we are talking about people\u2019s reputations here. As it stands in the wake of the Ford conflict mess, the existing edifice is nothing more than a Potemkin Village.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

An astute observer of Mayor Rob Ford\u2019s conflict trial posed a fascinating question to me on Friday after the Divisional Court released its ruling: If the problem was that City Council didn\u2019t have the legal right to order Ford to repay the $3,150 in donations, why didn\u2019t the judges tell the City to re-wind theContinue reading “LORINC: What Ford’s conflict ruling should tell us about the integrity commissioner\u2019s role”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4051,"featured_media":41172,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"_ef_editorial_meta_paragraph_assignment":"","_ef_editorial_meta_date_first-draft-date":"","_ef_editorial_meta_checkbox_needs-photo":"","_ef_editorial_meta_number_word-count":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[17874,21803,756,935,21797,888,408,425,13458,21795,814,1174,236,3915,21794,17150,813,21793,21796,1463,426,21799,21798,21802,636,2905,21801,316,227,17664,21800,19,894,391],"class_list":["post-41169","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politics","tag-audit-committee","tag-auditing","tag-city-council","tag-city-solicitor","tag-code","tag-commissioner","tag-councillor","tag-david-miller","tag-david-millers-council","tag-di-iannis-council","tag-divisional-court","tag-ford","tag-hamilton","tag-integrity-commissioner","tag-interest-law","tag-janet-leiper","tag-judge","tag-judicial-event","tag-larry-di-ianni","tag-lawyer","tag-mayor","tag-morning-quarterback","tag-municipal-elections","tag-observer-noted","tag-ontario","tag-ontario-legislature","tag-prosecutor","tag-queen","tag-rob-ford","tag-rob-fords-council","tag-that-was-error-number-one","tag-toronto","tag-toronto-city-council","tag-usd"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nLORINC: What Ford's conflict ruling should tell us about the integrity commissioner\u2019s role - 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